Tuesday, August 30, 2022

Self-Contradiction in the U.S. Constitution: The Influence of John Locke

Constitution Day, a U.S. “federal observance” (holiday) on September 17, was established in 2004. I am planning to post a blog article about that on Sept. 15, but this post provides background information and is largely about philosopher John Locke—with a little about “original sin.”   

John Locke was born in England on August 29, 1632, and died in 1704 at the age of 72. Although he never traveled to what more than 70 years after his death became the United States of America, he had considerable influence upon the new nation formed by rebellion against England.

Just last month, University of Chicago Press published America's Philosopher: John Locke in American Intellectual Life by historian Claire Rydell Arcenas.

Locke, who was born into a Puritan home, became the author of hundreds of essays, tracts, and letters, many of which opposed political tyranny and religious persecution. His philosophical, religious, and political thought bolstered the North American British colonists’ fight for freedom.

Although the framers of the United States Constitution, drafted in 1787, were influenced by many different persons, John Locke’s ideas were the most influential factor. (See this instructive website.)

In his seminal work “Second Treatise of Government” (1690), Locke put forward the concept that the power of government originates from the consent of the governed, writing,

Men being . . . by nature, all free, equal and independent, no one can be put out of this estate and subjected to the political power of another, without his own consent.

At the same time, however, Locke condoned slavery, denied women full inclusion in civil society, and, ultimately, excluded atheists and Catholics from his calls for toleration. To a large extent, his self-contradictory ideas were accepted by those who wrote and approved the U.S. Constitution.

Heather Cox Richardson introduces John Locke in “The Roots of Paradox,” the first chapter of her intriguing book How the South Won the Civil War (2020).*

In “Introduction,” Richardson states: “America began with a great paradox: the same men who came up with the radical idea of constructing a nation on the principle of equality also owned slaves, thought Indians were savages, and considered women inferior” (p. xv).

She asserts that the “self-evident” truths that Jefferson wrote about in the Declaration of Independence were “cribbed” from John Locke. Based on Locke’s Two Treatises on Government, Jefferson agreed with Locke’s Enlightenment idea of government as a social compact, saying that

the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitled the colonists to create a separate government equal to that of England (Richardson, p. 12).

But Locke, and Jefferson, also held the view that some people—particularly white, moneyed men—were superior to others, especially women as well as indigenous and enslaved people.

So in spite of my deep appreciation for Richardson, she is misleading on calling Locke’s/Jefferson’s position “the American paradox.”

A real paradox expresses truth in statements that just seem to be self-contradictory. However, the stance of Locke and Jefferson was, in reality, self-contradictory.

John Locke’s name also appears repeatedly in Mark Ellingsen’s thought-provoking book Blessed are the Cynical: How Original Sin Can Make America a Better Place (2003), mostly in his second chapter, “Augustinian Realism and the American Constitutional System.”**

Locke was one of the most influential of Enlightenment thinkers, and as Ellingsen points out, the “Enlightenment’s optimistic view of human nature seems embedded in both the Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Independence” (p. 56).

But along with their embracing that optimistic view, Ellingsen argues that “founding fathers” such as James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and even Benjamin Franklin also maintained “Augustinian convictions,” that is, a view of the reality of “original sin” that can be traced back to Augustine.

The paradox of the Constitution is seen in this juxtaposition of the Enlightenment view and the Augustinian view of human nature.

There are many deficient ways that the doctrine of original sin has been explained, and some of Augustine’s basic assertions are problematic.

But I think Ellingsen’s ideas about original sin are correct and agree with his conclusion: “Vigilance about the low sides of human nature, a healthy cynicism, improves civic life.”

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* Richardson (b. 1962) is an outstanding historian/history professor who daily posts “Letters from an American.” Early every morning I read her latest “letter” and always find them very informative. Here is the link to her blogsite.

** Ellingsen (b. 1949), an Augustinian scholar with a Ph.D. from Yale, is an ordained Lutheran (ELCA) pastor and a church history professor at the Interdenominational Theological Seminary in Atlanta. This link should take you to my 2011 review of his book on Goodreads (scroll down). 

10 comments:

  1. The founding fathers of the USAmerica were highly educated and fairly well informed by influential social philosophers of their time. The ways they struggled, even agonized and debated, to hold together the insights of such contrasting perspectives as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke (Rousseau, too, for that matter and others) and their own observations of history to craft a new nation were quite remarkable. True, they didn't have a fully enlightened view of equality by any means. (Perhaps that was their original sin?) I haven't read Ellingsen's book, but I must say it would take a lot of convincing before I would think that that awful (and by now terribly confused) doctrine of Augustine's is of any use for understanding anything as complex as this postmodern culture of the USA. But, then, I would also admit to being highly suspicious of any attempt to explain or understand the collective cultures of humanity by an appeal to a one-sided (good or bad) view of human nature.

    What we got from the Enlightenment, among other things, was the impetus to use observation, evidence, and history (i.e., social philosophy/science) for getting at what human beings are capable of and not and how they might order their collective lives for the most benefit of all. If that human project can't be made to work, it will be the great tragedy of humanity. But it's all we got, short of some grand "divine" intervention.

    By the way, aren't our evangelicals and fundamentalists believers in the doctrine of original sin? And don't they want us to put in place some kind of Hobbesian monarchical absolutism?

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    1. Anton, I hope you know how much I appreciate your regular reading of my blog articles and your posting thoughtful comments on nearly all of them.

      As I understand Ellingsen's reference to original sin, he doesn't necessarily agree with the way Augustine explained that belief. Rather, he agrees with the assertion that humans are basically flawed. That, at least, is my position, and I say that in the sub-section of my book "The Limits of Liberalism" (2020) titled "What about Original Sin" (pp. 264~9).

      What I like about Ellingsen's book is the paradoxical emphasis on both Enlightenment values and original sin. The "error" of liberals tends to be their not acknowledging the reality of the latter, whereas the "error" of the fundamentalists/conservative evangelicals is their downplaying of the former. Both are in error because of their failure to understand and to affirm the paradox. And while it may be similar to "Hobbesian monarchical absolutism," what they want is a theocracy in place of the now-endangered democracy. Moreover, it seems to me that in spite of giving lip service to the doctrine of original sin, to a large extent many of them nullify that belief by their unchecked adulation of the 45th POTUS and his most ardent supporters.

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  2. It occurs to me to recommend to you and readers of your blog a book by John W. Riggs (full disclosure, he's a close friend of mine), Postmodern Christianity: Doing Theology in the Contemporary World. https://www.amazon.com/Postmodern-Christianity-Doing-Theology-Contemporary/dp/1563383640/ref=sr_1_4?crid=24CYQE7Z4DBRA&keywords=postmodern+christianity&qid=1661873825&s=books&sprefix=postmodern+chris%2Cstripbooks%2C83&sr=1-4

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  3. His basic argument:"that postmodernism has some things to teach the church, such as the plurality of views and the historically conditioned character of Christian doctrine; and, Christian theology has something to teach postmodernism and those Christians who have adopted postmodern conceptual resources, such as the idea that some assertions about the structure of reality itself must be made in order to have meaningful claims about vital topics such as ethics and God."

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    1. Thanks, Anton, for introducing this book by your friend John Riggs. I don't remember knowing about it, but I wish I had been able to read it when I was working on my books on fundamentalism and liberalism. I was able to look through the index from the Amazon link, and it was quite impressive.

      I have mentioned postmodernism in maybe only three of my blog articles, and all three were somewhat critical of postmodernism, particularly the relativism that is usually associated with it. On the other hand, I have often wondered if postmodernism is not more compatible with a thoughtful Christian faith than modernism. I'd like to read what Riggs says about that.

      I also found that Riggs was a professor at Eden Theological Seminary, and you may be interested to know that Ellingsen's book that I wrote about is in a few of the libraries in the Mobius system, and Eden's library is one of those.

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  4. "A stimulating essay, Leroy. The contradiction in our American 'idea' stands out rather starkly today in American politics." ~from Thinking Friend Glenn Hinson in Kentucky

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  5. Here are comments from Thinking Friend Eric Dollard in Chicago:

    "Thanks, Leroy, for your comments about the U S Constitution and the men who inspired and wrote it. . . .

    "The Constitution embodies some high ideals, which applied only to land-owning white men at the time of its writing. Aside from how slaves were to be counted as provided in Article I, section 2, the provision does not specify the race of the slaves and nothing in the Constitution denies its powers, privileges, and rights to anyone based on race or gender, so discrimination in those days was based on state constitutions and laws.

    "So despite the fact that the majority of the Founding Fathers owned slaves (John Adams was a notable exception), they created a document that eventually brought full rights to everyone, or almost everyone. It was a significant step in the right direction, but we are still struggling with racism and sexism as a nation. We still have a ways to go."

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    1. Thanks for your comments, Eric. I plan to write more about the matters you mentioned in my Sept. 15 blog post.

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  6. As a part of my inquiry to whether Julius Caesar was in some sense the historical Jesus, I ended up reading several biographies of Caesar. One thing that surprised me in that reading was how much our American government resembles the Roman Republic. The rich people had the Senate, and there was a people's house resembling our House of Representatives. The executive was spread out among several officials, although a dictator could be accepted in times of emergency. Corruption and bribery where common place, including buying of votes.

    So, in our constitution, the executive was cleaned up with a President and his cabinet. A formal court was added with the Supreme Court, but many of the tensions and weaknesses of the Roman Republic continue in our own system. The bottom line is, Mitch McConnell would have made a great Roman Senator.

    Now the scary part of this is, the Roman Republic fell, replaced by the Roman Empire. Of course, the Roman Empire was really already there, overshadowing the republic for a long time. And the Roman Senate was not a democratic institution in the modern sense. It was more like the British House of Lords. In any event, our Presidential system has teetered between gridlock and dictatorship, not all that much more resilient than the Roman Republic. It has often been compared unfavorably to parliamentary systems, but I am not so sure. Italy, Israel, Iraq, and even England have at times shown that a divided society can have gridlock with a parliament just as well as with a President. Indeed, Hitler was selected to form an elected parliamentary government in what became Nazi Germany. USAmerica could definitely fix some parts of our democracy, but in the long run, good government rests on good society. Economic distress and political demagoguery are the greatest threats to our democracy.

    As for John Locke, I do not mean to take away from what he contributed to American political theory, for it was a great deal. I just want to point out that it is also true that a new Rome rose on the Potomac.

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    1. Craig, I read your comments with interest on the day you posted them, but I didn't make any response. Now, I am linking to a related opinion piece by Dana Milbank that was posted on WashingtonPost.com on Sept. 7:
      https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/09/07/jd-vance-fascist-roman-imperialist-caesar/

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