Saturday, August 9, 2025

What about Pastors Promoting Politicians?

Last month, the U.S. Internal Revenue Service stated that churches and/or pastors could endorse candidates running for political office, despite the Johnson Amendment of 1954.*1 Should we now think it is acceptable for pastors to promote voting for politicians by name? 

Why was the Johnson Amendment passed and long uncontroversial? Lyndon B. Johnson was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1948 and successfully ran for re-election in 1954. During that re-election campaign, he was opposed by some tax-exempt organizations, including churches.

Johnson thought it was not fair for tax-exempt groups and their leaders to engage in direct support or opposition to candidates running for political office. His amendment was passed with little opposition and has long been widely recognized as upholding the principle of separation of church and state.

Even though the amendment was drafted by a prominent Democratic Senator, it was signed into law by President Eisenhower, a Republican. There was widespread agreement across the political spectrum that mixing tax-exempt status with partisan political endorsements was inappropriate.

From the beginning, though, there was some opposition to the enactment of that 1954 amendment.

What was the basis for disapproval of the Johnson Amendment? Even though they thought it was absolutely right for their churches to be exempt from paying taxes, some conservative Christians thought the Johnson Amendment was an infringement on their freedom of speech.

Since they saw the amendment as a freedom of speech violation, they thought it was unconstitutional and needed to be nullified or just ignored, as to a certain extent, it has been through the years.

Pastors, they claim, have the responsibility to speak out on moral issues, and doing so naturally includes mentioning the names of politicians who are aligned with what is deemed to be immoral. Such opposition has grown over the years among those affiliated with the Christian Right and now with MAGA.

With the growth of the latter groups over the past decades, conservative pastors have largely felt constrained to speak out, especially in opposition to abortion and LGBTQ rights and against politicians who are pro-choice and pro-gay.

In recent years, Robert Jeffress, pastor of First Baptist Church in Dallas, Texas, has been one prominent pastor who has expressed strong disapproval of the Johnson Amendment. He has been one of Trump’s most ardent supporters, and in April, he voiced that disapproval at the Easter prayer service in the White House.

At the President’s request, soon afterward, he sent a letter to Trump, outlining what he called “wrongful weaponization of the law” and the “unlawful targeting” of his church. He has also said, “What a pastor says in a church service is none of the government’s … business.”*2

Jeffress and many other conservative pastors think they have the right to give moral instruction to their “flock,” including guidance in political matters. On the website of Jeffress’s church, however, they claim that their weekly telecasts are seen by hundreds of thousands of viewers.

Any pastors who have their sermons streamed on the internet have no basis for saying they are just giving moral instruction to their church members. To promote political candidates, as Jeffress is wont to do, is a clear violation of the Johnson Amendment.

Why is ignoring the Johnson Amendment now a bad policy? Since politically conservative church members overwhelmingly vote Republican, if pastors in such churches promote political candidates, that will make little difference. Most conservative evangelicals will vote for Republicans no matter what.

On the other hand, since members of progressive churches (such as the one I am a member of) overwhelmingly vote Democratic, pastors of such churches mentioning the name of a candidate will make little difference.

The problem is in churches where the adult members are politically “purple.” Pastors promoting candidates by name in such churches could and probably would influence many to vote for the candidate promoted by the pastor. This is why the Johnson Amendment needs to be heeded.

On July 30, over 1,000 charitable nonprofits launched a national sign-on letter to defend nonpartisanship and public trust (see here). The letter strongly objects to efforts by the Trump administration to weaken the Johnson Amendment, which protects nonprofits from partisan politics.

As Amanda Tyler says, this ignoring of the Johnson amendment “threatens to turn churches into PACs”—and that can’t be good for either the government or churches.*3

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*1 According to Wikipedia, “The Johnson Amendment is a provision in the U.S. tax code … that prohibits all 501(c)(3) non-profit organizations from endorsing or opposing political candidates. Section 501(c)(3) organizations are the most common type of nonprofit organization in the United States, ranging from charitable foundations to universities and churches. The amendment is named for then-Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas.” In July 1954, it was enacted into law.

*2 This was reported in a July 30 article in the New York Times (see here). The title of that article is “How Conservative Christians Cracked a 70-Year-Old Law,” and if you are interested in reading more about this issue, I recommend that article. Also, I didn't quote from it, but here is a link to another good article, published yesterday, on the subject. 

*3 Tyler is the executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee [BJC] for Religious Liberty. The BJC’s roots go back to 1936 when the Southern Baptist Convention [SBC] established an organization that grew into what became the BJC. The SBC ceased funding the BJC in 1991

7 comments:

  1. I agree. People either forget, and I fear most have never known the reasons for the Johnson Amendment, so it's no big deal for them. Also, as to internationally known pastors being noted for "ardent support" of DT: several years ago as that figure appeared front and center stage during a church Christmas celebration, aptly lauded in that context as an enthusiastic (fanatical?) full house attested, I immediately noticed Christ had been eclipsed, ardently so, and the spectacle struck deeply as abominable.

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    1. Therse comments are from Thinking Friend Jerry Summers in Eastern Tennessee. (He sent me an email saying he had not succeeded in posting his comments under his name.)

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    2. As a former Southern Baptist, who as a boy was taught the importance of the separation of church and state and who was a strong advocate of that position until I severed all tied to the SBC in 2005, I have been and continue to be dismayed and saddened by the way some of the most prominent pastors in the SBC have been such ardent and public supporters of DJT from 2015 until the present.

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  2. Here are important and substantial comments from local Thinking Friend Milton Horton:

    "Thank you, Leroy, for this important blog post. Pastor Jeffress's opposition to government intervention in what a pastor says in the pulpit seems to be an appeal to the "free exercise" clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution, which is a common interpretation of that clause. However, as with most of our liberties, there should also accompany an understanding of an implicit system of "checks and balances": my liberties cannot interfere with another citizen's liberties. Others' freedom of speech cannot extend to the violation of my own "free exercise" of religious faith. And yet, the government has historically argued that such violation of free exercise of religion, as well as free speech, may be necessary when the government has a compelling reason to do so (e.g., in the case of public safety, etc.). For the government to allow Christian pastors and non-Christian leaders of religious institutions to advocate for political candidates seems also to be a violation of the "establishment clause" of the first amendment. This is because the government is thereby implicitly privileging one religious viewpoint over another, thus explicitly establishing one religion over another by allowing those political candidates to obtain office and therefore to represent their own religious interpretations of the Constitution over others.

    "Of course, there seems to me to be a far more fundamental reason for "separation of religion and politics" (I use this phrase because it includes religions beyond Christian religion). That is, that any religious faith or political ideology that appeals to arguments based upon suppositions that are not materially evident should be held with suspicion as bases for government for all the people. A democracy's founding principles should be available, as much as possible, for examination by the public. Religious doctrines, beliefs, traditions, practices, which may have informed notions of the constitutional groundings of our republic, are not available and evident to the public apart from the interpretations of specialists in those fields. And, those specialists are not necessarily sympathetic to the constitutional rule of a democracy."

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  3. Thank you Leroy for addressing an important issue. There are several reasons why the IRS interpretation of the Johnson Amendment is problematic. You mentioned churches that are "purple," that is, composed of members who equally vote red and blue. I suspect that this is more common than we think. Endorsing a candidate from the pulpit is a good way to lose half of the congregation. Additionally, there is nothing inherent in the pastorate that makes a minister more qualified than anyone else to speak with authority concerning a candidate. To do so is to fall into the "celebrity" fallacy, which we often see when celebrities endorse a candidate, even though their expertise lies elsewhere. Moreover, in a democracy we count on each individual making informed decisions about candidates. Pastors must not usurp that responsibility.
    I also want to point out that when the IRS says that the Johnson Amendment has not been equally enforced they are not wrong. We have seen candidate endorsed and hosted in churches from both parities. The answer, however, is to enforce the Johnson Amendment, not suspend it.

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  4. About an hour ago, I received the following comments from Thinking Friend LeRoy Roberts in Virginia:

    "From my 'Nitch of the woods,' for years, the IRS has chosen to ignore the enforcement of the Johnson Amendment, especially by many fundamentalist and minority churches, so President Trump's instructions aren't going to change much. At the same time, I don't see how those who support the Johnson Amendment can be too critical of those who use the pulpit to help their candidates when their church ignored the principle of Separation of Church and state by lining up to accept President Biden's free money (PPP) a few years ago. As for pastors having the right to free speech, integrity should always take precedence over the right."

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    1. LeRoy, I appreciate your comments, especially linking the church-state issue to the PPP funds provided churches (and other institutions) during the pandemic a few years ago. As you know, I am a member of an Anabaptist church, and one of the main emphases of that tradition that began in Switzerland 500 years ago (in 1525) was the separation of church and state.

      Not knowing if because of the church not being able to meet because of covid-19 we would have adequate funds to meet the financial obligations to our pastor and other staff members, we received a PPP grant. When it came time to decide whether to keep that "free money" or return it to the government, I thought we should return it as it was not needed for us to pay the salaries of our pastor and staff. When this was being discussed in a congregational meeting, I spoke strongly for returning the money because I did not think it proper for a church to receive money from the government, especially since it was not needed. But when it came to a vote, with very few joining me in opposition to keeping the money, it was decided overwhelming not to return the money. I was quite disappointed that we were not true to our belief in the separation of church and state.

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